Walter Mondale: A Politician’s Politician

Walter “Fritz” Mondale’s life revolved around politics. Born just before the 1929 depression and growing up through the Great Depression, Mondale’s beliefs and life was shaped by his Minnesotan and Methodist upbringing. He had a natural ability for leadership which would lead him to become popular in the Senate, raising his stature to become Vice President until running for his own bid for the US Presidency in the mid 1980s. While his failures are more known than his successes, Mondale led a very political life and lived like a politician until his final days.

Growing up, Walter Mondale was known to have a tremendous amount of energy. Most of this energy bounded toward discussion and talk. According to some of his teachers “He was a clear thinker. He was an organizer.” His natural tendency to lead was revealed early when his Sunday School teacher remarked, “He was sort of the ring-leader.”¹ Mondale was always practicing, at least when he was younger.

When he was older, Mondale would begin arguments with other people just to practice. This would be so common at the poultry factory where he worked that his supervisor had to confront him. Mondale responded, “I’m sorry, George, I didn’t mean any harm. But I’m planning on going into politics someday, and I’ve gotta learn how to get people’s hackles up.”² Even at a young age, Mondale understood the political game and that one had to argue even if one didn’t believe in the message. It was all about creating a stir. It was about about making a show.

One of Mondale’s idols at a young age, and through much of his life was Hubert Humphrey. Seeing Humphrey and his opinions can further give one an understand of who Mondale was and how he became what he had become. Humphrey was a man who spoke against men like George Wallace. Wallace, for example, thought it was irresponsible when Truman, in 1947, sought to aid Greece and Turkey in an effort to fight against Communism. In the argument, Wallace stated that supporting these countries had made Truman “the best spokesman Communism had.”³ But Humphrey was an anti-communist Democrat and supported Truman’s efforts. The Liberal ideas of Humphrey attuned with his foreign policy beliefs had a tremendous effect on young Fritz.

At the same time, while Mondale had grand ambitions and had a strong desire to succeed in life, he could never truly leave his small-town mindset. It was in a letter in which this was highlighted but these were things which naturally held Mondale back.⁴ Uncertainties, flip-flopping on major decisions weren’t just a political trait that he’d learned in Washington, these were things he battled with all on his own. Politics, especially those in which he would eventually become involved with, were big time. But Mondale wasn’t. He saw himself only as mid-western and small town.

Even though he had his early supporters and was seen as an early leader, not everyone thought he was meant for greatness. Walter’s own father had said to a Sunday School teacher, “That Fritz, he’ll never amount to anything.”⁵ It’s quite a cross to bear when your own family won’t believe in you.

In spite of the mountains he had to climb, whether they be in his own mind or along the beliefs of his family, Mondale had decided early that he wanted to be involved in politics. In a letter in late 1951, he wrote about his dissatisfaction in knowing the purpose or why’s of life. As the letter went on he showed why he cared so much about politics, “Instead I seek a tentative satisfaction for the humanitarian drives Dad instilled in us by taking some publicly obstinate stand on such things as economic and racial equality…[sic].”⁶ These were questions he could definitively answer. Even when doubt crossed his mind about his choice, he was reaffirmed since he’d been so long entrenched in the business, many of his contacts were in the realm of politics and he had his natural drive and interest in the field.

This strong desire in politics had given him ample opportunity. One such would be after the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Naturally, Mondale abhorred the act but he also recognized that politics in Minnesota were about to change. By this time Mondale was already a Minnesota Attorney General and Hubert Humphrey was getting more buzz about moving on which would undoubtedly open the Senate to new contenders. If McCarthy was chosen, Mondale was going to run for his seat in 1964; if Humphrey was going to go, Mondale recognized that the Governor had the opportunity to choose the next in line. And he wasn’t going to do anything to upset the Governor.

As Mondale entered the Senate, he was a clean slate on a few issues. Notably, he says himself that, “I had gone to the Senate almost completely unshaped on Vietnam and foreign policy in general.”⁷ Having cited Shirer’s The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, Mondale noted that he thought it better to fight the Communists in Vietnam rather than fight them in the United States. Oddly, this mantra has been repeated through the decades whether it be Korea, Vietnam, the Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Iraq or even the wars of today. No matter how many times the government or pundits have used the old, tired line, it is still bought and paid for with the lives of innumerable intelligent, yet gullible people.

In spite of his proclaimed leadership abilities when he was younger, Mondale seemed hesitant once he reached the Senate. His small-town aw-shucks attitude wasn’t looked on favorable by an aid who mentioned, “We had to literally drag him into the other offices to say hello to his staff.” Some hadn’t seen him at all for at least two months. After some cajoling, Mondale was put forward to try to get to know his staff on a personal level but it failed. He wasn’t good at small talk. A former employee noted, “The idea was to stop by people’s desks and make small talk. He just wasn’t good at it. But to make matters worse, he would paw through their papers, and if he came across a letter that should have gone out days earlier, he would end up chewing the person out. So instead of being happy to see their boss up and close and informal, the staff was terrified he’d come through again.”⁸ Mondale was a satire of a politician who couldn’t connect to not only the people, but even the direct people who supported him every single day.

Mondale was known for outbursts, impatience and sharp attitude. However, he altered this as much as possible when he went public. Here he would seem calm, attentive and patient. These were traits he rarely carried in spite of his image. The results that followed was that Mondale seemed insincere. While his views may not have been insincere, neither was he giving the people an honest view of the man looking at them in the eye as he spoke of his grand plans.

As the war in Vietnam continued, Mondale maintained his support. By the late 1960s his support inwardly had begun to wane, but he continued to support the cause because he thought it would help support the party and Humphrey’s bid. Mondale would ultimately call his support for the war his “greatest mistake”⁹ At the same time, he went back and forth about his support for South Vietnam. While he claimed to remain anti-Communist and showed his support for aiding South Vietnam, neither could he see victory with an American withdrawal.

During this time, Mondale was also struggling in his home state. A pollster, Oliver Quayle in a confidential political survey noted, “We are surprised… to find so much anti-black sentiment in a state like Minnesota, which has a miniscule [sic] black population.” He went on to add that this likely had more to do with the incredibly high taxes of the time and that voters were attacking a noteworthy expenditure which the voters weren’t necessarily using.¹⁰ It is worth noting as well that the states or nations which are the least diverse, while often claiming they are the most open, are quite often the opposite.

As the Vietnam War faded and the 1960s trailed, Mondale pushed on in the Senate. He noted that he’d often read for several hours on Sundays whether it be books, journals or newspapers. It was through one of these Sunday readings on where he discovered the CIA had been illegally spying on American citizens.¹¹ In spite of being a US Senator, he had to read of such things through the New York Times. While he admitted that there had been such rumors for months, it didn’t seem to come together until that late December day.

Mondale had understood, as all politicians had with some detail that there were obvious connections between the politicians, the FBI and the criminal underworld. Showing J. Edgar Hoover’s power and control over the United States, Mondale noted that when John Kennedy was having a “liaison”, as Mondale calls it, with Judith Campbell, she was at the time a girlfriend of Sam Giancana, a member of the mafia who was working with the CIA to assassinate Fidel Castro. Hoover contacted John to let him know he knew and to “not worry,”¹² but of course, this was likely a veiled threat of future blackmail for which the FBI and other intelligence agencies have become renowned.

As the information began to show itself, Mondale’s eyes were slowly being opened. He noted the shameful “persecution” of Martin Luther King, Jr where J. Edgar referred to King as a “black hate leader.” Here he discusses the FBI’s continued misdeeds, attempting to prevent King from meeting with the Pope, writing threatening letters directly to King through assumed names, while the agency continued to spy on him and bug his rooms.¹³ While such news isn’t surprising today, nor should it have been surprising by the mid 1970s, it is, perhaps, most surprising that Senators were surprised by this information. Or at least, it is not surprising that they claim they were surprised.

Now that more information was becoming public, it was time to jump on the FBI and begin asking questions. An exchange between Walter Mondale and Benson Buffham, Deputy Director of the National Agency, went on about surveillance programs:

Mondale: Were you concerned about its legality?

Buffham: Legality?

Mondale: Whether it was legal.

Buffham: In what sense? Whether that would have been a legal thing to do?

Mondale: Yes.

Buffham: That particular aspect didn’t enter into the discussion.

Mondale: I was asking you if you were concerned about whether that would be legal and proper.

Buffham: We didn’t consider it at the time, no.¹⁴

The FBI, for all intents and purposes, was a renegade outfit perhaps from its very inception.

It was during these revelations that Mondale seemed to become more aware of government overreach and power. Mondale, during 1975, notably became the most knowledgeable Senator on these issues and Mondale became more of a name on the national level.¹⁵ To show just how scary the FBI had become, Mondale said at the time, “No meeting was too small, no group too insignificant to escape the FBI’s attention.”¹⁶ Mondale aptly likened the FBI’s actions to those of the KGB.

Just before this intelligence blow up, there were questions Mondale had to answer. Was he going to run for President in the 1976 election? He was unsure. Through 1974 he’d begun making numerous appearances in a number of Midwestern states, a few in New England and numerous visits through California. Even through this, Mondale wasn’t sure what he was going to do; he had to be convinced by Dick Moe, along with a few other aides, to make an effort to run.¹⁷ It seemed Mondale’s mid-western shyness, or the appearance of it, and his noteworthy indecisiveness was seeping through.

Mondale was already running into personality issue problems. A Democratic leader complained in 1974, “I’m never sure how strongly he feels about any issue, but I like the stands he takes.” And another Democrat added, “Sure he is earnest, conscientious… But he is a painfully plain midwesterner, just not the sort of chap who causes the party’s pulse to pound with excitement.”¹⁸ Certainly there is something to be said for modesty, articulation, being careful and having zero skeletons in your closet. But at the same time, such a personality is boring and will not appeal to most people.

During this time Mondale had managed to create a committee to finance an exploratory bid for the 1976 election. He wanted to know his chances. While Mondale was noteworthy in Minnesota, it was estimated that most voters wouldn’t recognize him and his very northern attitudes were going to hurt him in the Dixiecrat south. Also, Edward Kennedy was a powerhouse at the time and Peter Edelman, former aid to Robert Kennedy said, “Mondale’s ship floats in a Kennedy pond and Teddy can pull the plug whenever he likes.”¹⁹ Edward had the name and the recognition and in politics that’s most of the battle. In comparison, Mondale was just barely getting started.

Mondale was bouncing around throughout this year when it came to his potential presidential campaign. When he’d range in the polls, his attitude would slump. His indecisiveness continued as by July he had considered dropping out. However, come October a few months later Gillon noted that Mondale said that he was “99-percent sure” he’d run. One minute Mondale was hyping everyone up and the next he was deflating the entire thought.

The problem with Mondale is that he just wasn’t certain what to do. He suddenly lacked any decisiveness his peers had seen when he was growing up. Mondale complained, “In order to be a serious presidential candidate, I was going to have to ask others to commit themselves – to pledge part of their lives to my campaign… If a person is not certain he wants to be a candidate, then probably he shouldn’t run.”²⁰ And on 21 November, he announced that he wouldn’t.

His wife was also shocked by the announcement. Joan said in an interview, “Suddenly, I remember sitting there in my red president suit, saying to myself, ‘I am unemployed.’ And I was indeed, because I had cleared my life to go campaigning with him. I had gotten everything off the boards. I had stopped all my volunteer work. I just unburdened my life so that I could go with him and do whatever he needed.”²¹ During the week Mondale had made the announcement, he even had someone in Washington to secure office space for the campaign which would never happen.

Strange as it is, in spite of being in the “Kennedy pond,” this was Mondale’s best chance. Ford was a weak president as he’d been appointed and he wasn’t going to win any votes by pardoning Nixon. At the same time, in a DNC poll with state leaders and governors, Mondale was leading everyone, including Edward Kennedy.²² While he still trailed Ford by double digits, this was Mondale’s shot and he still wasn’t sure.

Jimmy Carter would take the nomination from the Democrat Party to run against Ford for 1976. But Carter still needed a running mate and Mondale was on the list, along with names like Ed Muskie and astronaut John Glenn. Again, Mondale wasn’t sure at least until he met with Hubert Humphrey when Humphrey said, “Fritz, you must do this [try to become Vice President]. You’ll get more done down there in two days than you will up here in two years.”²³ Mondale still had some reservations as Carter was from the South and Northern Democrats were wary of their southern counterparts.

Mondale wasn’t the only one concerned. Carter was worried that Mondale was too far left for the South. But at the same time, Carter noted how well prepared Mondale was upon their meeting in Plains. This is where all Vice Presidential hopefuls would meet with Carter. In the meeting between Mondale and Carter, Mondale noted that he didn’t want to be a “tragic” Vice President as Humphrey had been; Mondale wanted to have a real role. Carter agreed. It was at this point that Mondale cites as the turning point of making him the Vice Presidential nominee.²⁴ Even so, Carter still wasn’t sure and it came down between Muskie and Mondale the morning of July 15.

The phone of the hotel rang around 8:30 AM. Mondale picked it up and heard Carter’s voice, “Good morning, Fritz. Would you like to run with me?” He answered affirmatively within two seconds.²⁵ The Carter-Mondale ticket was official.

But the 1976 election was going to be messy. There was a serious threat that McCarthy would run on an independent ticket. At the same time, Carter had numerous issues being a Democrat from the south and the typical Dixiecrat issues of the era. On the Republican side, Reagan and Ford simply didn’t get along. Ford roundly rejected that Reagan would be on his ticket, Ford’s blistering opinion shot, ” I don’t want anything to do with that son of a bitch.” ²⁶ Ford instead chose Dole, ignoring the polls saying that the only chance Ford had was with Reagan as his running mate.

However, Dole didn’t pull any punches. While the Carter campaign struggled with existential threats and breaking from the Democrat mold, Dole referred to Carter as “Southern-fried McGovern” and complained about his lack of decisiveness on important issues.²⁷ The growth or power of government was on everyone’s mind especially with the recent talk of a rogue FBI.

The debates, however, are where Carter and Mondale pulled through. Ford made an incredible blunder when he claimed that “There is no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe, and there never will be under a Ford administration. I don’t believe the Poles consider themselves dominated by the Soviet Union.” Worse for Ford, he doubled down in the days to come. Not to be outdone, Bob Dole complained about all the “Democrat Wars” the Democrats had shoved the United States into. Recklessly, he blundered by adding in wars such as World War II. Mondale coolly replied, “Does he really mean to suggest to the American people that there was a partisan difference over our involvement in the war to fight Nazi Germany? I don’t think any reasonable American would accept that.” This angle was expected in particular because Dole had said it in the past. It is amazing he hadn’t been castigated for it before that Vice Presidential debate in a serious way.

As the Carter administration got underway, Mondale got what he wanted out of the Vice Presidency. Noting rather early, Mondale handed Carter a memo, expecting to go over it for hours only to have Carter put it down and state, “This is fine.” Then he reaffirmed his desire to have Mondale in the White House and having a voice.²⁸ Given Mondale’s experience, he proved his political abilities when he told Carter that people like “…Tip O’Neill are your best friends. They might seem alien to you right now – creatures of Washington, of the party – but they want you to succeed. They can deliver with the constituency, if they want to, in ways others can’t.”²⁹ Mondale certainly knew how to get in the muck and wrestle with the best of them, at least when the cameras weren’t on.

While Mondale did take some effort to offer his opinions, he knew when to back off as well. Carter noted, “Fritz doesn’t waste his influence. He does excellent background study. And his staff is superb. He also uses my staff, some of whom are his former staff embers, very effectively….

“Almost invariably, when Frtiz is present, when I’m approaching the time for a decision, I turn to him last and say, ‘Mr. Vice President, waht is your assessment?’ And that’s when he is always thoroughly prepared and he weighs in on the few items about which he feels very deeply.

“…when he does speak on an issue, everybody gets quiet, everybody listens to him, because they know that he’s approaching the point of making the judgment from the same perspective as if he were president.”³⁰ Naturally, timing your influence when you have it are the notes of a great leader and influencer. Mondale had it at times. But he didn’t have the strength to actually be the one out in front leading the charge.

The Carter Presidency struggled for four years, in spite of any efforts Mondale may have put forward. Carter offered up the Panama Canal which was a great talking point in the late 1970s, gas prices were rising, inflation still wasn’t under control and nothing seemed to be slowing it down. Overseas he was shown the difficulties of foreign affairs with issues from the Middle East, particularly in that of Iran. While Carter may have been able to interfere in the 1979 Iranian Revolution, and it had been considered, ultimately he made the right move in not involving American troops at the time. Unfortunately, a number of hostages were taken anyway.

1979 proved a bad year for the Carter-Mondale ticket. Wholesale prices were still increasing, up to 14.1% as the GNP stagnated at .4%. Carter was losing his base. A group called “Democrats for Change” sprouted up praising Ted Kennedy while the director of the NAACP warned that many blacks would vote against Carter if he didn’t increase spending for the poor. Mondale thought to jump on the grenade. In his own mind, he thought of resigning to not only “shock” the administration but to also save his future political career.³¹ This was more of the same for Mondale, waffling back and forth. But he would remain with Carter because the alternative was to further prove that he couldn’t handle his role.

Reagan was coming up through the primaries, although he had a few tough battles. But it certainly seemed like Ronald Reagan would be Carter’s sparring partner. While Carter cleaned up against the divisiveness of the Republicans during the Ford administration, Reagan hoped to do the same. Kennedy, after all, still had misgivings about Carter and the resentment remained. Carter spoke at a congressional delegation that if Kennedy should run that, “I’ll whip his ass.”³² While Carter may have come out on top, a primary for a sitting president is never a good outcome even if the sitting president does win. It shows incredible weakness and not only will the sitting president have to fight the opposition party, but also their own. It bloodies a president’s nose.

As both Iran and Afghanistan came to a head, Carter’s approval rating ballooned to 61%. When Carter said that he’d debate Kennedy, now he acted as though he were above it all and reneged. While Carter had received these points for a leader during national crises, in time they would come back to hit him and drag him down.

Having Edward Kennedy attacking the President while Republicans were attacking one another was a losing battle. While Carter could’ve stood tall and directed the news cycles away from the inflation and multitude of other issues, Kennedy brought up Carter’s grain embargo over the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan, stating how it wasn’t going to do anything other than harm American farmers. And while Kennedy had certainly gained some points here, he lost more than that when criticizing the Shah of Iran during an interview in San Francisco.³³

Pulling it back, Kennedy’s biggest problem seemed to have come during a different interview before he made his announcement to run. Roger Mudd asked Ted Kennedy, “Why do you want to be President?”³⁴ Kennedy looked dumbstruck and lost for words. The truth probably was because both John and Bobby ran for President.

Through the primaries, Mondale was called “Carter’s secret weapon” by an NBC reporter. Mondale proved to be able enough in the campaign and during it, he aided his political future by not going directly after Ted Kennedy. After all, it could still be argued that it was Kennedy’s pond. By June 3, however, Carter was assured the nomination to run again for President. But Carter wasn’t free just yet as Democrats polled who had voted for Carter during the 3 June primaries had lukewarm support for him for the general election. By August, Carter’s approval rating shot from a previous 61% to a low 22% particularly after “Billygate” which potentially implicated Carter’s brother and Libyan payments.³⁵

Even though the Carter-Mondale ticket lost to Reagan, the pair developed a friendship which lasted a lifetime. While occasionally butting heads, they shared a mutual respect and affection for one another with Mondale stating that Carter felt “like a brother and a son.”³⁶ But after the election, Mondale was free to pursue his own agenda. And in this agenda, he held back. According to his own words, he “…didn’t feel I could simply go on the attack from day one. I thought a new president deserved a decent interval to show what he could do, and I wanted to stay out of the trench warfare for a little while.”³⁷ And for a little while, he remained in the background.

By 1983 Walter Mondale was getting ready. He already had thirty-five workers in twenty-three states, innumerable volunteers and $10 million to work with. Mondale now had name recognition, cash and room to run. A House Democrat predicted, “I’ll bet he’ll have the nomination sewed up early and will be the next President.”³⁸ But politics and predictions rarely go together. Mondale still had to answer for the Carter administration and while he did criticize some aspects, he didn’t hammer Carter over them.

Bob Beckel, who would later gain fame through CNN’s Crossfire, working with Cal Thomas at USA Today and most recently Fox’s The Five, was brought on to manage the Walter Mondale campaign. While Beckel and Mondale got along well together, Beckel admitted that Mondale was “difficult” to get close to although he had admired his hard work and lack of complaints.³⁹ There were a few other worries Beckel had, notably Frtiz’s inability to come through as a relaxed, natural man in front of the television.

But Beckel and Mondale weren’t going to just walk up and take the Democrat nomination as some Democrats had professed. Mondale was weak on certain issues due to his time as Carter’s Vice President and so in April John Glenn announced his campaign and was quickly on the heels of Mondale. Of the pair, a New York Times reporter noted, “People turn their heads to get a glimpse of Mr. Mondale, but they pull out their Instamatics when Senator Glenn comes into view.”⁴⁰ Glenn was a celebrity and Mondale was a reserved small town guy from Minnesota.

Mondale had an image problem. He seemed fake. A New York photographer said, “When he sees the camera go up, it’s as if a mask slides over his face. The man I’ve been talking to withdraws, and I’m left with the politician.”⁴¹ While Reagan was also known as being a distant man whom few, if anyone ever really knew, he also knew how to use radio, television with his natural charisma.

There was also a vagueness about the Mondale campaign. Running on experience was certainly fine, but what did that mean for ideas? And what kind of experience was one bringing to the Presidency against a President currently gaining a lot of traction? Mondale may have just been too far behind and spent too long in the political machine listening to everyone else’s advice. When it came time for him to run on his own, there wasn’t much track.

Nor was Mondale willing to change with the times. He outright refused to interact with coaches for television. This was made even worse that Mondale hadn’t owned a television and so had even less experience than someone sitting on their couch at home. Mondale spoke deadpan, “I’m not interested in the remake artists and what they have to say. If I have to be a movie star to be a good politician then I don’t want to be a politician.”⁴² While Mondale had certainly known what a politician was and understood the political process, it is startling that during other times he seemed to not understand a single thing about the political world.

As a result, Mondale’s perception hadn’t changed. He refused teleprompters and read speeches verbatim. He often came off as dry and boring. He rarely had sound bites and struggled to gain positive attention. For the moment it seemed to suite Mondale as he was leading into the Iowa Caucus. Glenn was beginning to fade on his own and other challengers weren’t biting at his heels just yet.

That is until Gary Hart showed up. Hart was a youthful, charismatic man who could potentially lead the Democrat Party; these were both things Mondale was not. Hart likened Mondale to the “…establishment past…” who had been “…brokered by backroom politics and confirmed by a collective sense of resignation.”⁴³ Hart was threatening to make it a real race and Mondale wasn’t going to be able to talk about abstract ideas focused on Reagan.

Through the campaign, Beckel mentioned there were only three candidates that he was worried about. The first was John Glenn in part because The Right Stuff had just been released and it was believed the film could help jump Glenn’s status. The second was Gary Hart but he wasn’t nearly as well-known as Glenn. And the last was Jesse Jackson who certainly appeared well on television and would absorb most of the black vote.⁴⁴ Beckel admits Jackson wasn’t about to win the nomination but Jackson’s involvement could make the entire primary more unpredictable.

These issues were made more glaring after Mondale lost in the New Hampshire primary. Mondale spoke later, “Something happened after New Hampshire which I had not anticipated. Suddenly, after he beat me there was a tornado. In the South where I had been leading by fifty points, I now trailed by ten. I couldn’t get my feet on the ground.”⁴⁵ Hart was proving to be a serious rival. Mondale, however, didn’t want to ruffle any feathers with Hart by bringing up women or oil, which were two of Hart’s weaknesses. Mondale figured that he’d need all the support he could get in a general election. But now there were questions if Mondale would even make it that far.

With these new developments and this loss, there were even talks that Hart had become the new frontrunner. Mondale wrote in his book, “A week after [the loss in New Hampshire] Mike Berman, who had been on my staff longer than anyone else, drew the assignment of drafting a memo describing how I might gracefully withdraw from the race if it came to that.”⁴⁶ Mondale decided that he had to rethink his strategy and overall message. This was a serious reaction as Hart was now able to frame the primary race between old Democrats versus new Democrats.

Super Tuesday was coming up and there was going to be a Democratic debate in Atlanta on March 11, the last one with all Democratic contenders. Bob Beckel had mentioned that he was watching television with his girlfriend when the “Where’s the Beef?” commercial came on the television. Beckel’s girlfriend commented, “You know, that reminds me of Gary Hart.”⁴⁷ And a light bulb flashed over Beckel’s head.

The next morning in Atlanta, Beckel moved up to meet with Mondale in his hotel room. Beckel exclaimed, “‘Fritz, I’ve got it!’

“‘You’ve got what?’ he said.

“‘Where’s the beef?’ Mondale didn’t own a television and had no idea about the famous Wendy’s commercial. Beckel spent some time trying to explain the commercial to Mondale but Mondale just wasn’t getting it. Mondale rejected the idea.⁴⁸ After all, when you’re being told about it the morning of a major debate, it can be difficult to change the game plan, particularly with someone as stiff as Mondale.

Beckel thought it wasn’t going to happen. Then on the morning of the 11th just before Beckel was headed back to Washington, Mondale called him over to his car. Mondale agreed to do the line and said, “Where-is-the-beef?”

“[Beckel] said, ‘No no no, Fritz – it’s, Where’s the beef?’

“‘That’s not proper English,’ Mondale said. ‘Where is the beef?’

“‘Fritz,'” [Beckel] said, ‘Trust me when I tell you this. Where’s the beef? You’ve got to say it that way. You’ve got to look for exactly the right moment, turn to Hart when he talks about his new ideas and all the rest of it, and say, “Senator, where’s the beef?'”

“[Mondale] goes, ‘Where-is-the beef, Gary?’

“‘No, no, no, no, no,’ [Beckel] said. ‘Gary, where’s the beef?’

“[Mondale] grumbled a little and waved his hand, annoyed, like he was waving away the whole silly idea. I gave up. Clearly this just wasn’t going to work. [Beckel] started to walk away – and [Mondale] said, ‘Wait a minute. Wait a minute!’ [Beckel] turned back and looked at him. ‘I got it,’ [Mondale] said. ‘You’re right. Where’s – the beef?’

“[Beckel] said, ‘You’ve got it, Fritz. Go with it. It’s going to turn this race around.'”⁴⁹

Mondale initially seemed to struggle but he found a way to use the line.⁵⁰ On the 13th, two days later, Mondale won in Alabama, the Democrats Abroad Primary, and Georgia while Hart took Florida, Massachusetts and Rhode Island. But in the week to follow, Mondale would continue to claim victories in Michigan and Puerto Rico. Mondale finally found his soundbite.

As the Democrat Convention neared, it was only Mondale, Hart and Jackson who remained. Jackson continued to be the wrench in the plans, his unpredictability made things very difficult for his opponents. When asked to support Mondale, Jackson said that in exchange for his delegates, he wanted to give a prime-time speech. Mondale agreed but nobody knew what Jackson was going to say. Jackson told Beckel, “Beckel, I ain’t going to tell you what I’m going to say, but I’ll tell you this – by this time tomorrow night, you’re either going to be a chimp, a chump, or a champ.”⁵¹ In the speech, Mondale was spoken of positively, wasn’t embarrassed and Beckel didn’t become a chump. Jackson had wanted other things too, notably that members of his staff would be placed in campaign posts, he’d have influence over how the Democrats would spend voter-registration money and he wanted power in party commission selection rules for 1988.

Even with these delegates, Mondale had other issues to look toward. With an NBC News survey, 40% of his supporters in Pennsylvania had said that Mondale made too many promises to interest groups and 30% claimed he had too many outdated program ideas. Even half of Mondale’s supporters expressed a desire for Senator Edward Kennedy to enter the race.⁵² Hart was right on what the competition was about. But the Democrats of the United States had wanted the old Democrat and not the new.

As Mondale remained the only one left, he then had to decide what he was going to do about a Vice-Presidential running mate. Mondale knew he had to do something because his numbers against Reagan weren’t good. After some thought and urging from his wife, Mondale decided he wanted to choose a woman candidate. While he had a number of options, he ultimately settled with Geraldine Ferraro.⁵³ While Ferraro wasn’t necessarily controversial, Mondale had also received public pressure from groups like NOW (the National Organization of Women) which again made it seem like Mondale was catering to even more special interest groups when the nomination had been his idea before NOW had ever made the ask.

Ferraro wasn’t without her faults. She came with a single self-inflicted wound which made the Mondale campaign look even worse. After stating to Mondale that she would release her tax records, Ferraros’ husband, John Zaccaro, said that he wouldn’t. While Mondale tried working with the pair, having private accountants go over the numbers of which there didn’t seem to be any wrongdoing, the resistance remained.

Eventually Beckel was able to get Ferraro alone in a vehicle. Ferraro said, “Bob, I can’t do anything about it.” Beckel tried telling her that the tax question was going to be the only one reporters were going to ask until they had the answer. Ferraro replied that John, her husband, would still refuse. His defense was that taxes weren’t anyone’s business except his family’s. And Beckel was right. Through the Ferraro effort, the only questions she’d receive were about her taxes. Eventually the campaign had had enough, and likely, so did Ferraro, and the taxes were released. Beckel called up John, “John, you paid 43 percent in taxes. What are you, kidding me?”⁵⁴ There wasn’t any impropriety but the campaign received a huge black eye for the needless distraction.

There was one more fault with Ferraro. While she was a woman and would shake up the campaign, she also wasn’t too ideologically different than Mondale. Ferraro was a Democrat from New York and with Mondale out of Minnesota, where did that leave Democrats in the south who couldn’t identify with either one? This would open up Mondale to attack in certain Democrat battleground states.

Reagan’s numbers remained good. In his diary he wrote on 11 September, “Met with Congressional leadership about defense budget etc. I’ve never seen them so Gung Ho & high in their optimism about my winning in Nov.”⁵⁵

Gina and Bill, a pair of people who lived in Milwaukee and interviewed by Jonathan Schell, recorded their thoughts on Reagan and Mondale. Gina, a Mondale supporter, said, “Mondale is kind of lukewarm – like he was more of a team player.”⁵⁶ But Bill had more reservations when considering Mondale, “I don’t exactly disagree with him. In fact, if he could do everything that he says he would do, I’d vote for him right away. But I just don’t think he can. Take his idea of raising taxes, for instance. I think it’s a good idea. He wants the rich people to pay more. But they won’t. They never have, and they never will. Mondale is just not going to be able to do it. There’s no way.”⁵⁷ Mondale, for Bill, seemed to be too impractical.

The first debate was an absolute blunder for Reagan. While Mondale’s numbers went up immediately upon walking on the stage, and he would ultimately win the debate, there were questions about how long the victory would hold him over. This is noteworthy because Reagan was off. Mondale recorded, “When I said hello to him I knew he wasn’t going to make it.”⁵⁸ Reagan himself admitted that he “flattened out.”

In that first debate Reagan looked pale and stumbled over his words and ideas early on. Opposed, Mondale looked alert and attentive while Reagan spoke; Mondale was focused, direct and hadn’t stumbled. While Mondale did about as well as he could expect, he was aided by Reagan doing almost as bad as possible.

Aside from the loss, Reagan’s support remained. Reagan noted on 8 October, “We left Louisville not feeling too bad. There was a rally at the hotel last night – 1000’s of people who had all seen the debate & they thought I’d won. But now on to Charlotte, N.C. Sen. Helms & several candidates & Congressmen were on hand for a rally of more than 50,000 people. They had been there for hours but they were wildly enthusiastic.”⁵⁹ And anyway, there was still one more debate to go.

People were already starting to make up their minds. After the first debate, one of the connections in Milwaukee noted, “I was a lukewarm [Mondale] supporter, and now I’m an enthusiastic one.”⁶⁰ While Reagan attracted a self-proclaimed Socialist, “I’m going to vote for Reagan,” [Fred] said.

“‘How did you make the transition from Peter Camejo, a left-wing revolutionary, to Ronald Reagan, a right-wing Republican?’ [Jonathan Schell] asked.

“‘I don’t think my basic philosophy has really changed,’ [Fred] said. ‘I’ve always voted on the issues that were most important to me. I believe in nonviolence, in helping other people, in the common good, in socialism.’

“‘Do you see President Reagan as a champion of these beliefs?’ [Jonathan Schell] asked.

“‘…For example, most socialists are for abortion, and I’m against it. For me, it’s a civil-rights question. The unborn are the most helpless group in society. Having grown up in a family of factory workers, I relate to how people feel downtrodden and oppressed, how they get to feel like mere tools of production. I believe in the value of human life. I still have the same principles, but I guess I apply them a little differnetly. Maybe I’m strange.’

“‘What about economic issues?’ [Jonathan Schell] asked.

“‘On those, there has been a change,’ [Fred] admitted. ‘I now think that supply-side economics is valid – to some degree.’ Fred raised a cautionary forefinger to underscore the importance of this qualification. ‘Also, I agree with Reagan on some foreign-policy issues. I agreed with the invasion of Grenada. I think they really went in there and cleaned out the situation. I don’t think we should impose democracy, but I also don’t think we should let the Communists gain power. I don’t know. Reagan leaves a lot to be desired. But he’s done a pretty good job.'”⁶¹

Reagan couldn’t be stopped. Mondale even admitted that Reagan was “holding one perfect campaign event after another…” He complained about Reagan’s ability to use media, “It was all perfect miniatures, carefully scripted visits that produced thirty seconds of great television and made people feel good. Sunrises, sunsets. Picket fences and puppies. Morning in America. It only deepened our frustration to watch his strategy go over so well on TV while we were spinning our wheels.”⁶² And while Mondale had rejected television coaching during the primaries, for the general election he was finally relenting.

Mondale couldn’t catch a break. In his own words, he highlights a problem after showing up in Wisconsin near a paper mill. However, the campaign was running late and had just missed the shift change. The Mondale campaign showed up to an empty place. As consolation, the plant manager came out and gave Mondale a few rolls of toilet paper as a gift, which the media’s cameras immediately picked up on.

The second debate between Mondale and Reagan was completely different. This time Mondale stumbled in the beginning as the debate featured foreign affairs and illegal immigration. Reagan also looked much better, spoke more eloquently and smooth. In effect, Reagan looks, acts and sounds like Reagan. While Mondale’s attempts at humor fell flat this time, Reagan won the debate with one line: “I will not make age an issue of this campaign. I am not going to exploit for political purposes my opponent’s youth and inexperience.” Bob Beckel, Mondale’s campaign manager announced in that moment, “Okay, that’s it.” Those around him said there was still a half of a debate left to which Beckel answered, “No, that’s it. Forget about it. It’s over.”⁶³

Reagan was doing so well that after the debates, on 4 November, he decided to make a campaign trip to Minnesota, Mondale’s home state. Reagan notes that even with no advance notice there was still a large crowd at the airport when he arrived.⁶⁴ Afterward he made a few other stops around the midwest to curry last minute support.

But Mondale was also receiving large turnouts. In Chicago there was a 75,000 candlelight parade. On Boston Common, 60,000 people listened to Mondale speak. And by the time he reached New York’s garment district, there were 100,000 waiting for him in spite of grey skies and prospects of rain. The crowds were so surprising that Tom Wicker asked, “Is there something wrong with all those polls so unanimously predicting disastrous defeat for Mr. Mondale on November 6?”⁶⁵ One answer could come from a previous note in Sherman Park. His die hard supporters were going to remain die hard while everyone else simply shrugged their shoulders.

With a week left, Mondale was only leading in the District of Columbia and Minnesota; other states were within grasp but he was still expected to lose handily. Even if he had managed to pull out surprise victories in the contested states, Mondale wasn’t going to be a contender.

Reagan remained optimistic. In his dairy he noted that it was “The great day!” And by the following day, he wrote, “Well 49 states, 59% of the vote & 525 electoral votes. A short press conf. The press is now trying to prove it wasn’t a landslide or should I say a mandate?”⁶⁶ But Mondale now had to decide what he wanted to do.

Mondale for the first time in a long time was going to go back into private life. Mondale commented, “For thirty years politics had been my life. It was the source of all my emotions. Then suddenly it was gone. One day you walk out of the door and you’ve got 40 cameras and every network and 20 foreign reporters out there, and the next morning you walk out and not even the dog looks at you.”⁶⁷

Mondale noted that he didn’t sleep for a month after the election. In a conversation with George McGovern, Mondale asked how long it would take to get over the feeling of having lost a presidential election. McGovern replied, “I don’t know. I’ll tell you when it happens.”⁶⁸ But Mondale wasn’t gone just yet.

Mondale would still meet with some political hopefuls and comment on the evolution of the United States. In an issue of Science in 1996 he wrote in general about America and technology in the new age.⁶⁹ It was another diatribe about saying something without saying anything.

Mondale and Humphrey would meet again in the late 1990s, or, at least their sons would. Minnesota politics didn’t stray for the stars of the previous years and both Hubert Humphrey III and Ted Mondale were making their mark on Minnesotan society. There were a pair of others who were also sons to which The Minnesota Daily called it the “My Three Sons and an Heir” race.⁷⁰

Walter wasn’t done yet though. He still had one more race in him after the sudden death of Senator Paul Wellstone. The Democrats were without a representative to run against the competitive Republican Norm Coleman and so Walter Mondale went up one more time. Through the debates Mondale used the same tactics, the same type of speeches which repeated the same results.⁷¹ While Mondale ultimately lost to Coleman, Mondale did only have about one week before the vote.

The concession came quick although the race was close and if Mondale had had more time, perhaps he would’ve eked out a victory. Instead, he conceded with Coleman taking 1.02 million votes to Mondale’s 974,174; 50% to Mondale’s 48%.⁷² From there, Walter Mondale still wrote, made commentary and publicly backed Hillary Clinton in 2007, Barack Obama in 2008 and Amy Klobuchar in 2019.

A few of Walter’s last years would prove difficult. His daughter died from breast cancer at age 51.⁷³ And his wife died three years later at age 83.⁷⁴ Walter Mondale would die seven years later in 2021.

Upon Mondale’s death, Jimmy Carter wrote, ““Today I mourn the passing of my dear friend Walter Mondale, who I consider the best vice president in our country’s history.”⁷⁵ While time had certainly ebbed and changed the political landscape, the relationships Mondale had formed were lasting until the end.

Walter Mondale was a politician even when he wasn’t one. His hair always had to be perfectly combed, he always had to face the right way and he always needed to work with groups to give him direction but who would ultimately push him in directions he may not have wanted to go. Walter Mondale is certainly an interesting character and is a great representative for the Democrat party and their struggles through the 1970s, 1980s and early 1990s. Mondale was old fashioned in the worst ways and refused to change. These are reasons why he lost and often, so spectacularly. If Mondale ever were to have had a chance at a real leadership role, he ought to have run for 1976.

Alas, Mondale chose his path and couldn’t rise above it. His romanticization of Hubert Humphrey, old politics and his stingy support for the Vietnam War in the 1960s all hamstrung him. Even as the world moved on, Mondale seemed unable to. And while at times he gave valiant efforts, those efforts always fell short of what was necessary to succeed in a world which no longer catered to his old fashioned idealism and politics.

Works Cited

1 Gillon, Steven M. p 14

2 ibid. p 14

3 ibid. p 22

4 ibid. pp 36-7

5 ibid. p 11

6 ibid. p 45

7 Mondale, Walter F. pp 77-8

8 Gillon, Steven M. p 84

9 ibid. pp 104-5

10 ibid. p 136

11 Mondale, Walter F. pp 136-7

12 ibid. p 137

13 ibid. p 147

14 ibid. pp 148-9

15 Gillon, Steven M. p 160

16 ibid. p 161

17 Lewis, Finlay. pp 205-6

18 Gillon, Steven M. pp 146-7

19 ibid. p 149

20 Lewis, Finlay. p 210

21 ibid. p 207

22 ibid. p 209

23 Mondale, Walter F. p 158

24 ibid. pp 160-4

25 ibid. p 164

26 Shirley, Craig. p 13

27 Gillon, Steven M. pp 172-3

28 Mondale, Walter F. pp 171-2

29 ibid pp 187

30 Lewis, Finlay. pp 241-2

31 Gillon, Steven M. p 258

32 ibid. p 268

33 ibid. p 274

34 The Interview That Blindsided the Ted Kennedy Presidential Campaign.

35 Gillon, Steven M. p 281

36 ibid. p 291

37 Mondale, Walter F. p 283

38 Gillon, Steven M. p 317

39 Beckel, Bob p. 130

40 Gillon, Steven M. p 320

41 ibid. p 323

42 ibid. p 329

43 ibid. p 333

44 Beckel, Bob p 131

45 Gillon, Steven M. p 340

46 Mondale, Walter F. p 488

47 Beckel, Bob p 134

48 ibid. p 134

49 ibid. pp 134-5

50 Walter Mondale to Gary Hart: “Where’s the beef?”

51 Beckel, Bob pp 144-5

52 Gillon, Steven M. pp 347-8

53 Mondale, Walter F. pp 293-4

54 Beckel, Bob p 151

55 Reagan, Ronald p 265

56 Schell, Jonathan pp 14-5

57 ibid. pp 16-7

58 Gillon, Steven M. pp 382-3

59 Reagan, Ronald p 271

60 Schell, Jonathan p 96

61 ibid. pp 71-2

62 Mondale, Walter F. p 297

63 Beckel, Bob p 153

64 Reagan, Ronald p 276

65 Gillon, Steven M. pp 387-8

66 Reagan, Ronald p 277

67 Gillon, Steven M. p 396

68 Mondale, Walter F. p 306

69 Mondale, Walter F. America’s Challenge

70 “Three Famous Sons and Heir To A Fortune Battle in Governor’s Race.”

71 “Mondale, Coleman Spar in Senate Debate.”

72 “Mondale Concedes to Coleman.”

73 Puzzanghera, Jim.

74 Sepic, Matt, and Jon Collins

75 Pitofsky, Marina.

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